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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">discourse</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Дискурс</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Discourse</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2412-8562</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2658-7777</issn><publisher><publisher-name>СПбГЭТУ «ЛЭТИ»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.32603/2412-8562-2021-7-5-98-111</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">discourse-437</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СОЦИОЛОГИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>SOCIOLOGY</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Антикоррупционная политика как фактор влияния  на протестный потенциал и стабильность  в современном обществе</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Anti-corruption Policy as a Factor of Influence on Protest Potential and Stability in Modern Society</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Егоров</surname><given-names>В. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Egorov</surname><given-names>V. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Егоров Владислав Александрович – магистр политической конфликтологии (2019), аспирант кафедры социологии политических и социальных процессов </p><p>Университетская наб., д. 7/9, Санкт-Петербург, 199034</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladislav A. Egorov – Master (Political Conflictology) (2019), Postgraduate at the Department of Sociology of Political and Social Processes</p><p>7/9 University emb., St Petersburg 199034</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">cptyossarian@protonmail.ch</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Милецкий</surname><given-names>В. П.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Miletskiy</surname><given-names>V. P.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Милецкий Владимир Петрович – доктор политических наук (1998), профессор (2002), профессор кафедры социологии политических и социальных процессов; профессор кафедры социологии и политологии </p><p>Университетская наб., д. 7/9, Санкт-Петербург, 199034</p><p>ул. Профессора Попова, д. 5, Санкт-Петербург, 197376</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir P. Miletskiy – Dr. Sci. (Policy) (1998), Professor (2002), Professor at the Department of Sociology of Political and Social Processes; Professor at the Department of Sociology and Political Sciences</p><p>7/9 University emb., St Petersburg 199034</p><p>5 Professor Popov str., St Petersburg 197376</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">falesm@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Saint Petersburg State University<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru">Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет; Санкт-Петербургский государственный электротехнический университет «ЛЭТИ» им. В. И. Ульянова (Ленина)<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Saint Petersburg State University; Saint Petersburg Electrotechnical University<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>17</day><month>11</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>7</volume><issue>5</issue><fpage>98</fpage><lpage>111</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Егоров В.А., Милецкий В.П., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Егоров В.А., Милецкий В.П.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Egorov V.A., Miletskiy V.P.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://discourse.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/437">https://discourse.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/437</self-uri><abstract><sec><title>Введение</title><p>Введение. Проблема коррупции приобрела особую важность в свете многочисленных коррупционных скандалов, затрагивающих как развивающиеся, так и наиболее развитые государства. На сегодняшний день выдвигается ряд зачастую противоречащих друг другу гипотез о том, как коррупционные практики влияют на протестный потенциал и стабильность политической системы, а также о роли антикоррупционной политики властей в нейтрализации такого влияния. Целями данной статьи являются обзор и сравнение некоторых исследований в области изучения влияния коррупции и антикоррупционной политики на различные аспекты жизнедеятельности современного общества, в особенности на протестный потенциал и политическую стабильность. Авторская гипотеза состоит в предположении о том, что системная антикоррупционная политика, представляющая собой приоритетное направление политико-управленческой деятельности институтов государственной и муниципальной власти по предупреждению и пресечению коррупционных практик, заметно снижает уровень протестного потенциала и способствует поддержанию политической стабильности в обществе.</p></sec><sec><title>Методология и источники</title><p>Методология и источники. Методологическим основанием данной статьи является мультипарадигмальный подход к изучению коррупции. В рамках данной работы был проанализирован ряд эмпирических исследований отечественных и зарубежных авторов (Э. Усланер, П. Хейвуд, Д. Роуз и др.). Также использованы результаты проведенного авторами в 2020 г. интернет-опроса, в котором приняли участие 580 респондентов (преимущественно студенты российских вузов). Респонденты отбирались методом самоотбора, выборка была стихийная. Многочисленные исследования и социологические опросы свидетельствуют о трудностях в обобщении полученных результатов.</p></sec><sec><title>Результаты и обсуждение</title><p>Результаты и обсуждение. Значительное число эмпирических исследований свидетельствует о негативном влиянии коррупционных практик на жизнедеятельность современного общества. Они приводят к снижению темпов роста ВВП, снижению притока внутренних и внешних инвестиций, росту социально-экономического неравенства, снижению налоговых поступлений, недофинансированию социальной политики, уменьшению уровня доверия населения к властным институтам и падению генерализованного доверия в целом. Вместе с тем хотя существует корреляция между высоким уровнем коррупции и политической нестабильностью, однако результаты ряда исследований позволяют усомниться в существенном влиянии коррупции на экономический потенциал и политическую стабильность.</p></sec><sec><title>Заключение</title><p>Заключение. В целом проведенное исследование позволило сделать вывод о том, что высокий уровень распространенности коррупционных практик может как способствовать усилению социальной напряженности и наращиванию протестного потенциала, так и не влиять на политическую активность населения и стабильность политического режима. При этом именно системная антикоррупционная политика властей заметно снижает уровень протестного потенциала и способствует поддержанию политической стабильности в обществе.</p></sec></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><sec><title>Introduction</title><p>Introduction. The problem of corruption has acquired a particular importance in light of ubiquitous corruption scandals, entangling both developing and developed countries. Currently, a number of often contradicting hypotheses has been posed on the ways corrupt practices impact protest potential of a society and stability of a political system, as well as on the role of anti-corruption policy in the alleviation of such impact. This article aims to survey and compare different researches analyzing the impact of corruption and anti-corruption policies on different aspects of modern Russian society; in particular, their impact on protest potential and political stability. The author’s hypothesis lies within the assumption that The System anti-corruption policy, which is a prioritized instrument for political and administrative activities of state and municipal authorities in the prevention of corrupt practices, significantly reduces the extent of protest potential and facilitates political stability in a society.</p></sec><sec><title>Methodology and sources</title><p>Methodology and sources. Methodological basis of this article is a multiparadigm approach to studying the phenomenon of corruption. As part of this research, a raft of empirical research conducted by domestic and foreign authors has been analyzed (E. M. Uslaner, P. Heywood, J. Rose et al.). Authors also use the results of an internet survey conducted with 580 participants (predominantly students of Russian universities) in 2020. The respondents were self-selected, convenience sampling. Manifold research and sociological surveys demonstrate the difficulty of generalizing the results.</p></sec><sec><title>Results and discussion</title><p>Results and discussion. Substantial amount of empirical data reflects an adverse effect of corrupt practices on the livelihood of a modern society. These practices entail the decrease in GDP growth rates, avert domestic and foreign investments, amplify social and economic inequality, decrease tax revenue and lead to social welfare underfunding. It ultimately results in the lack of public trust towards state institutions as well as the decrease of generalized trust. Even though there is a positive correlation between endemic corruption and political volatility, the results of other research cast doubt on the extent to which corruption may influence economic development and political stability.</p></sec><sec><title>Conclusion</title><p>Conclusion. In general, the conducted research has allowed for the inference that the prevalence of corrupt practices may either amplify social instability and increase the protest potential or it may have no influence at all on political activity of a society and stability of political regime. At the same time, the implementation of anti-corruption policies by the authorities significantly reduces the level of protest potential and fosters political stability.</p></sec></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>коррупция</kwd><kwd>антикоррупционная политика</kwd><kwd>восприятие коррупции</kwd><kwd>протестный потенциал</kwd><kwd>политическая стабильность</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>corruption</kwd><kwd>anti-corruption policy</kwd><kwd>corruption perception</kwd><kwd>protest potential</kwd><kwd>political stability</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Global poll: Corruption is world's most talked about problem // BBC. 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